Keynes For Dummies

“I found myself the only non-Keynesian there,” remarked John Maynard Keynes following a meeting with economists in Washington in 1944.

I wonder if the famous economist would feel the same way reading today’s stimulus debate. Would he approve of trillion dollar deficits in the name of Keynesian policies? Would he agree with Paul Krugman that more government spending is needed? I suspect not. And here is why.

According to Professors Backhouse and Bateman*, Keynes devised a system of economic policymaking that makes it possible to fine-tune the economy with careful adjustments of fiscal policy. “fine-tune” and “careful adjustments” are key words. It was his belief that sharp downturns in the economy could be mitigated with some governmental intervention.

Today’s Uber-Keynesians, however, have changed the government’s role of fine-tuning the economic engine to becoming the engine itself. In the process, they turned central banks into ATM’s.

Four years into an anemic recovery, Europe is back in recession, the US is barely growing, Asia’s export economies are sputtering and parts of Latin America are returning to their old isolationist demons. What went wrong? Why did all the stimulus programs not get the global economy roaring back? From Japan to the UK, from the US to China, trillions of dollars have now been borrowed from the next generation and yet there is very little to show for. Why? Well, Neo-Keynesian professors from Princeton to Paris have the answer: it was not enough.

This we saw coming. We expected the narrative all along. Some readers may remember that we predicted that failure was going to be blamed on too little spending, no matter what the amount. Let’s make another prediction: whenever countries start to tackle their gaping fiscal deficits, Krugman and Co. will claim it is too soon. Actually, they are already vilifying Europe (read Germany) for thinking that growth could come from structural reforms and not from spending fiat money.

Not spending other people’s money has now been labeled austerity. But is keeping France’s governmental budget at 54% of GDP really austerity? How much more can the government overtake a so-called free economy?

I doubt Keynes expected that some careful adjustments would have lead to public debts varying from 100% of GDP in Italy and the US to over 200% in Japan. The magnitude of today’s interventions would most likely have made him uncomfortable.

That is not all. Contrary to popular belief, Keynes was skeptical about the use of the budget to influence consumption. He was not a supporter of budget deficits if they took the form of borrowing to finance current expenditures. Even spending on public works, he believed, had to be considered carefully because it could frighten businessmen into reducing their own investments.

In other words, not all debt is created equal. Like cholesterol, there is good debt and bad debt. Properly invested in capital goods that yield a revenue stream, debt can be very helpful. When, instead, debt is used to artificially maintain one’s standard of living, the endgame is very different. That’s the problem many governments are facing today. Fiscal deficits around the world are out of control while not yielding any returns. Therefore more borrowing is needed.

Most rational people realize that this cannot go on. Something has to give. From borrowing to fine tune the economy, we have now created an economy addicted to government borrowing. We have even convinced ourselves economic growth is impossible without it.

Central banks conquer. This chronic dependency could not have been created without their enabling profligacy. Market forces should have corrected politicians’ behavior a long time ago. But, the manipulation of interest rates and the monetization of the deficits are keeping the free ride alive.

Would Keynes have approved? Here again,it is doubtful. Why else did he warn us against debauching the currency? In his writings, he even calls Lenin to the rescue to make his point. It is said, indeed, that Lenin once declared that “the best way to destroy the capitalistic system was to debauch its currency”, for changes in the value of money amounts to arbitrary confiscation of wealth. Keynes believed in the capitalistic system.
Not that Bernanke, King or Draghi are intentionally debauching the global currencies. However, their enabling of excessive “Keynesian” policies could well result in such a destruction of the value of money. If not reduced with “austerity”, how else will debt be dealt with? Inflation is the only alternative.

The problem with Helicopter Bernanke is not that he is not a student of history. He knows Keynes’ teachings better than anyone. Only, he tends to take them to new extremes. Keynes’ emphasis on the psychology of expectations has thus brought us the wealth effect, first praised during the housing bubble.

The paper profits in the stock market have similarly been pointed to lately by our dear chairman as a reason for optimism. The new wealth effect is supposed to lead to more consumption and, consequently, to more economic activity. It worked so well the first time.

Another example of Bernanke’s extreme interpretation of Keynesian philosophy is his treatment of fixed income earners. In this matter, Keynes was not exactly a moderate himself. Never a great fan of raw capitalism, he famously wished for the “euthanasia of the rentier”. Could Bernanke be on a mission to fulfill this wish? It sure feels that way to many retirees…

Turning back to Europe, we are told that today’s debate is between Keynesian stimulus and fiscal rectitude. Keynes vs Hayek. Growth vs austerity.
Now, who is against growth? Only monks are in favor of austerity. Obviously, these are not the real issues. Europe is dealing with a different debate all together. It is one between social democracy vs Club Med style socialism.

Let me explain. All of Europe is socialist and wants to remain that way. Europeans reject what the French call “le capitalisme sauvage” as practiced in America. Their only division is on what kind of socialism. In essence, the difference comes from their opposing starting points. Social democrats study the economy as it is. Then, they try to implement as much social redistribution as the economy will tolerate. Their southern brethren start from what they would like the world to be. Then, they tell markets to adjust.

Logically, when social democrats face an economic downturn, they reform. Not surprisingly, when the Club Med countries face a downturn, they fight even harder for their entitlements. After all it is for the markets to adapt to the newly proclaimed reality.

Sweden reformed in the early 1990’s in order to save their welfare system after a now too familiar construction boom-bust cycle.The German social democrat Gerhard Schroder reduced some entitlements and allowed some more labor flexibility at the outset of the century. Finland and Estonia are other examples and today Ireland may be the next country to have made the needed adjustments to…grow again.

On the other side, we know what happened to Greece. Spain is facing the abyss and trying implement fundamental reforms. France, always different, is explaining to Germany how to grow an economy.

Finally, Keynes’ work drew heavily from an analysis on how to make ethical decisions. He was particularly taken by the moral consequences of unemployment.

Now, it is difficult to see the ethical superiority of the southern European economies that are so heavily dependent on public spending.

Unemployment is much higher. A ballooning debt will be passed on to the next generation. And, as if that is not bad enough, the Club Med countries are unashamedly shutting the young generation from the labor force! With no jobs and no income, how are they supposed to pay their parents’ humongous debt? In countries like Spain and Greece, youth unemployment has already exceeded 50%. In France, it is “only” 25%.

This is the real time bomb and only a full assault on labor rigidity can forestall disaster. Young people used to be known to be restless.
German “austerity”, in contrast, produces only single digit youth unemployment.

Do not believe the false argument that Germany is trying to impose hardship on the rest of Europe. All they are saying is: “Grow up!”

(*) Capitalist Revolutionary John Maynard Keynes by Roger E. Backhouse and Bradley W. Bateman

The End of Merkozy

The elections in France, Greece and Germany over the weekend will once again reignite the speculation about the euro’s survival. Indeed, the core German-French axis will be put in question with Monsieur Hollande’s intention to renegotiate the austerity pact. Frau Merkel would have none of it.
The European scene is likely to change dramatically in the coming weeks or months. However, the City should not be too jubilant yet. The Franco-German domination may be coming to an end, but not the euro.
What we are seeing is an effort by Germany to isolate France. Already, the German finance minister is traveling to Spain and Italy to award those countries good grades for their tough policies.
This is the euro’s moment of truth. As I wrote at the outset a decade ago (see below), the euro is a mechanism meant to force changes to the European welfare system. Germany understood it and they are reaping the benefits today. Greece and Spain are discovering what the City still does not get. Politicians like Monsieur Hollande will fight it, but the only way for him to change this fundamental premise is to leave the euro. He is unlikely to do that.
Oh, and the City’s belief that only a fiscal union can save the euro may be right, but it would destroy the benefits of a mechanism that is dragging all Europeans kicking and screaming towards a more flexible economy.
Please read on:

European Union: The Americanization of Europe.
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by Hervé van Caloen

The unification of the European economies has started a virtuous circle with consequences that seem to have taken most people by surprise. After a slow start, Europeans are finally realizing the far-reaching structural changes the single market combined with a common currency are bringing to the Old World.

Ironically, most European politicians involved in the design and the construction of the European Union did not anticipate the nature of the changes that are now taking place. Or, if they did, they never shared their thoughts with their constituencies. It is actually most probable that these voters would have rejected the single market had they known it meant a rapid deregulation of the business world as they knew it. In a stable world that was overly concerned with equality, stability and social coherence, the present drastic changes were not really welcome.

It is only recently that some opinion makers have started to contemplate the inevitable consequences of the European Union. It is unmistakably going to lead to American-style capitalism on the Old Continent. The Europeans are in the midst of a spiral of ever increasing economic deregulation that is bringing them every day a bit closer to a free market as we know it here in the States. Like every spiral, this one will be difficult to stop.

A SINGLE MARKET

A decisive step in the unification process was the opening of borders within the European Union. The Europe 1992 project – as it was called – was pretty much achieved on time. Although some sectors, like the postal services, are still in the process of being deregulated, most industries are now open to fair competition. Europe has, by and large, achieved its goal of creating a free flow of goods, people, capital and services within its borders. Tariffs have been eliminated and non- tariff barriers are coming down one after the other. Corporations can no longer seek protection behind national boundaries. Business managers who are not performing satisfactorily are no longer protected from hostile take-over bids coming from their European competitors. And where protectionism still prevails, legal ways now exist to challenge it. One by one, all the old defensive mechanisms are crumbling. The cozy corporate world so characteristic of Europe has been shattered.

A COMMON CURRENCY

After “Europe 1992” came the Maastricht Treaty. Most European countries agreed at a meeting in the Dutch town of Maastricht to share one unified currency, the Euro. It was a logical extension of the opening of borders. A common currency ensures fair competition. One can not have a truly open, competitive and fair market with many different currencies. Before fixed exchange rates and the ensuing European currency, countries were using devaluation and capital controls to protect their economies. This is no longer an option.

A SINGLE MONETARY POLICY

By giving up control over their currencies, member countries have deferred their respective monetary polices to the European Central Bank, an independent body located in Frankfurt. This has had a very positive effect on bond markets as interest rates in Europe have come down in reaction to tight monetary policies imposed by the Treaty.

At Maastricht, the German Central Bank imposed very strict conditions for joining the Euro. Under its strong insistence, the Treaty stipulated that each country willing to join the new, unified currency had to demonstrate its ability to control inflation and public spending. Both these indicators in most European countries subsequently converged at the – low – German level, bringing interest rates down with them. Only Greece did not qualify among the declared candidates and has not yet joined. All the other countries have since enjoyed a low cost of capital and the Euro has succeeded in becoming a virtuous currency. That is a currency that tries to look like the once almighty Deutsche Mark which for years represented economic orthodoxy.

In the long run, however, the German influence is likely to be diluted. A better balance between economic growth and rigorous monetary discipline can be expected. Early on, the countries with a history of lax monetary policies, like France or Italy, had to convince the Germans of their new-found discipline. They implemented a very tight monetary policy without questioning it openly. However, once the national currencies have been abolished, and everybody is fully on board, one can expect these countries to exercise a stronger influence. In the run up to monetary unification, France and some other countries got frustrated with the Germans’ insensitivity to economic growth. They are more likely to voice their viewpoints in the future.

In the late 80s and early 90s, political pressure to stimulate the economy in order to reduce unemployment was often very strong. Only unwavering support for monetary unification in most countries and the dominant role played by the independent German Central Bank prevented a reversal to former practices of growing budget deficits and printing money. This orthodox policy is now paying off. Inflation is low. Interest rates are low. And the economy is on the upswing. All European countries can now appreciate the benefits of responsible economic policies. Yet the price they had to pay was pretty high and it is not at all sure the ECB will be as stubborn in its fight against inflation as the Bundesbank was in recent past. We can reasonably expect a more accommodative monetary policy henceforth but the dominant German influence and the independence of the central bank are major guarantees against former excesses. Politicians will no longer be able to print money ahead of elections.

CONVERGING INTEREST RATES AT LOW LEVELS

Now that interest rates are set at the European level, the nominal cost of capital is the same for all member countries. Companies with the same credit ratings in different countries no longer benefit or suffer from having to borrow capital at different interest rate levels. In addition, converging inflation rates are making real interest rates also more or less equal to all.

The convergence of interest rates at the lowest level is most remarkable. Who would have believed a few years ago that Italians would be able to adopt German monetary discipline? This in itself seems nothing short of a miracle. Early fears of a weak European currency due to Italian-style lax monetary policies were proven wrong. By the time the Europeans had engaged on the unification path, all governments agreed to let the Germans set the tone. It was understood by all that conservative economic policies were long overdue. It required the lofty goal of creating an integrated union for the weaker governments to find the strength to put their fiscal houses in order. This ploy worked marvelously and it is having very positive ramifications for business. Companies headquartered in the areas that suffered from chronic inflation in the past are benefiting tremendously from lower interest rates. The cost of capital in Italy or Spain, for example, was historically much higher than in post-war Germany, giving companies there a substantial competitive disadvantage. They used to pay high nominal interest rates that reflected high inflation rates and included a larger risk premium, resulting in a higher real cost as well as nominal cost of capital. Today, with the Euro, the playing field is level.

JUST A BEGINNING

These achievements are impressive on their own. But this is not the full story. The economic unification of Europe is just starting. The profound consequences of Europe 1992 and the new currency are now unfolding. European unification is leading to accelerated deregulation of the Euro-economies. We are experiencing a trickle-down deregulation. Every decision to deregulate one or the other aspect of the European economy leads to even more deregulation in other areas. Deregulation and privatization of large sectors of the economy is forcing the deregulation of labor markets. The opening of borders has kick-started a round of tax cuts as countries are competing for investments. The planned abolition of capital gains taxes for corporate shareholdings in Germany will lead to the dismantling of the overwhelming power of German banks over the corporate sector.

The trend towards ever more deregulation is strong and irreversible. The only foreseeable threat to this evolution could come from the political front. Politicians in Europe are predominantly from the center-left and unsympathetic to unbridled capitalism. Their background is one of heavy regulation and state control. They are therefore uncomfortable in presiding over this American-style free market tidal wave.

Fortunately the positive effects of a revitalized European economy are making the unification more and more popular. Politicians know very well they would be ill advised to project themselves as old-fashioned socialists who resist the popular unification of the European peoples. They know the unification is more and more associated with the present prosperity. Few politicians want to be seen as spoiling this historic transformation and the ongoing wealth creation. Forget the fact that the union is looking very different from what they had envisioned. They are going with the flow. Any attempt to stop the trend faces the public’s disapproval on top of legal challenges from their European partners.

THE GENIE IS OUT OF THE BOTTLE

By opening up the borders and creating a common currency, Europeans have decided to let competition regulate their economy. A free market means more competition, a rather new concept in countries obsessed with social protection and burdened by state-run monopolies and subsidized industries.

In the past, companies often operated in comfortable national monopolistic or oligopolistic markets. European business elite enjoyed a friendly business environment. They were often protected by their dominant market position and tended to worry only about how not to rock the boat. A rigid regulatory environment reinforced the status quo and it was particularly difficult for entrepreneurs to challenge the establishment. Europe lived comfortably in a “menage a trois” consisting of the government, the management of large, established corporations and very structured unions. Entrepreneurs were troublemakers. At best, if successful, they were looked upon as lucky parvenus. Young people found it much more prestigious to climb the corporate ladder than to start their own companies. Social recognition came from success within existing structures.

The problem was that pre-unification economic systems had run their course and were no longer capable of creating jobs. Europeans knew they had reached a dead end street, but did not know how to get out of it. The press started to talk about Eurosclerosis. Unemployment kept going up. Economic growth came to a virtual standstill. At the same time, in the early 80’s, major changes were under way in the US and in the UK. However, at that time, Continental Europeans rejected them. Old conservative reflexes prevented Europe from liberalizing their economies. Mentalities were not ready to embrace Reaganomics or a Thatcher revolution.

Instead, Europeans embarked on a longer path that would eventually, and ironically, lead to the same results. The way out, it was thought, was the unification of the European economies. This would lead to economies of scale that would allow Europeans to compete with American multinationals. The outcome, as we now know, was much more far reaching. Size does matter, but more importantly, the process lead to the present wave of deregulation.

Here are the reasons for profound and sustainable changes in the Old World and the causes of the trickle-down deregulation that is unfolding at an accelerated pace.

CHANGES

First, the new competitive environment brought substantial cost reductions. Massive layoffs have been implemented in corporate Europe. This on an even grander scale than what was experienced in the United States in the last two decades of the 20th century. European companies have become leaner and meaner. Workers, organized or not, have had to show more flexibility. Production costs and labor rigidities had driven costs to unsustainable levels in the past. This had to be remedied. Moreover, with open borders and the elimination of currency risks, corporations gained a lot of bargaining power. They started relocating manufacturing facilities to the most attractive areas within the EU. With the elimination of borders, it became much easier to move production facilities to countries that enjoy lower labor costs, lower corporate taxes or a more flexible working environment.

In the past, it often made sense to set up small manufacturing facilities in various European countries to circumvent all kinds of tariffs and non-tariff barriers. Opening of the borders prompted a consolidation of these facilities. Today, companies’ investment decisions are easier to make. Production is moving to the most business-friendly areas and goods are then freely shipped to the rest of Europe. The UK, Ireland and Spain have thus experienced large direct investments. On the other hand, Germany, which happens to have the highest level of corporate taxes in the Union and the highest labor cost in the world, has experienced large net outflows of direct investments in the last decade. Increasing outflows of capital into Germany’s neighboring countries’ production facilities are not being matched by foreign direct investments in Germany. There is little enthusiasm among corporations to set up production facilities in Germany. Why bother since the German market can be accessed from Ireland or the UK with little additional transportation cost?

Not surprisingly, Germany is reacting by bringing corporate taxes, income taxes and capital gains taxes down. Others, like the Irish, have preceded them on this path. More will have to follow suit. Just watch what will happen in France in this regard. They have no choice but to go in the same direction.

Management’s decision to allocate funds has been further simplified now that different countries’ monetary policies and currency risks are out of the equation. Countries differ-or compete- mostly on the degree of business “friendliness”. It is thus no surprise that pro-business Ireland is presently enjoying an economic growth rate comparable to the Asian Tigers when they were still roaring.

LABOR FLEXIBILITY

This is not good news for labor unions. They are feeling the heat. Membership numbers are coming down all over Europe. But this could be good news for most employees. As the European workforce is becoming more mobile, top management has to offer better deals to key employees in order to keep them. Mobility of the people is crucial for better compensation. It was in great part because of the unwillingness of employees to change careers and to relocate that management was able to get away with very low compensations. Deregulation and increased competition are bringing better salaries and also new compensation methods like bonuses and stock options. For the first time, a large German company is now offering stock options to its top managers. The losers in this transformation of the labor environment are organized labor and big government. The latter will have to learn to live with stricter budgets and with a reduced influence on the economy.

VIRTUOUS CIRCLE

As soon as corporate tax rates start to go down in one country it becomes inevitable for others to follow suit, thus setting in motion a trend that is accelerating with time. The question is where do corporate tax cuts end? One can compare it to the United States with the states imposing different tax rates. Corporations are lured to those states that offer the best deal, i.e. the lowest state taxes. But state taxes come on top of the more important federal tax rate. In Europe, the divergence in tax rates is magnified by the fact that it concerns the national corporate tax rate, i.e. the bulk of the tax. It is inevitable that the different countries, just like the states in the US, try to outbid one another.

The lack of an overarching body setting equal rates for all companies is presently leading to corporate tax cuts all over Europe. It is not foolish to believe that Europeans may gradually move to a zero corporate tax rate as countries keep outbidding one another to attract business. The reduction in government income can, for example, be compensated by other forms of taxation. Or better, European governments may discover the virtues of spending less. If this seems like a stretch of the imagination, consider people’s disbelief a decade ago when told that Europeans would actually deregulate their markets. It is like a heavy truck gaining speed. Who has the means to stop it? Countries can only reverse this trend through unanimous decisions, which seems unlikely in the foreseeable future as I illustrate on the next page with the attempt to tax interest payments.

Income tax rates are similarly coming down. In a world where people become more mobile, it is increasingly important to motivate talented people to stay put. Young people, unlike their parents, are willing to move to neighboring countries to seek a better future. Even young French entrepreneurs are trying their fortunes across the Channel in order to be able to retain a larger portion of their income.

PRIVATIZATIONS

The need for privatizations all around the world has become so obvious to most that it is difficult to remember what a revolutionary idea it was at the time Mrs. Thatcher started it in the early 80s. In Europe, at the time, large private companies and state-run corporations were often sharing a comfortable and unchallenged position. A shake-out was needed both in the private sector and in the very large public sector. The idea was, however, very unpopular because it meant massive layoffs.

Here again Continental Europeans did not embrace the radical changes outwardly. Instead, privatizations became an “unfortunate” byproduct of the unification of the European economies. Free and fair competition within the European Union was incompatible with national monopolies or state-owned companies.

For a long time, telephone operators, electric utilities and national airlines – among others – were considered “public services” and were not open to competition. The belief was that since the private sector is solely interested in making profits and since telephone lines and electricity have to be available to everyone, no matter the cost involved, only a government operated monopoly will provide equal access to everybody. As far as airlines were concerned, national airlines were losing a lot of money in a highly fragmented European market and the only way to keep them alive was by pumping in public money year after year. Governments thought it was in the public’s interest to sustain their national airlines. It was somehow every country’s pride to have planes flying around the world with its national flag, even at a high cost to taxpayers.

Needless to say, all these public companies were hugely overstaffed since governments do not lay off redundant workers. Instead of focusing on profitability, governments tend to manage companies with the next election in mind. It is so convenient to hire more people when unemployment statistics do not look good…However this flawed logic of mixing private companies and state run enterprises does not stand anymore. “Public services” are being privatized. And now that telephone companies are no longer a service to the public at large, telephone services are rapidly becoming affordable.

European countries often went well beyond controlling just utilities and transport companies. The last attempt by a European government to control all the largest corporations came, ironically, at the same time as the “Thatcher Revolution”. Before getting elected, President Mitterand had promised to nationalize most of France’s large companies. He kept his promise. A large number of France’s companies were taken over by the socialist administration in attempt to create a “different economic model”. Years later, France is re-privatizing these companies, as required by the European Commission and to the delight of investment bankers. In the process, French taxpayers had to pay for one the world’s most expensive bank bail out.

With the fall of communist regimes in Eastern Europe reinforcing the view that governments should not run businesses, attitudes have rapidly evolved. It is now obvious to most that state owned companies have a disruptive effect on the economy and society.

THE END OF HOMO POLITICUS ?

Here is the good news: political unification is far behind economic unification. In the EU, important decisions have to be taken unanimously. Thus, for European bureaucrats to stop this wave of deregulation, all member countries have to agree. At the present time, for example, every European country but the U.K. and tiny Luxemburg want to levy a European tax on interest payments on bonds. Since this is viewed as a threat to the City’s business, Her Majesty’s government is vetoing it. As long as they continue to do, nothing can be done. Any measure to regulate or to create other taxes at the European level are similarly difficult to implement because it runs against one or another member’s interests.

Unlike the United States of America that has a strong federal government, the European Union is merely an association of nations. A lot of different countries –and different interests – have to come together on these issues after the European Commission has made a recommendation. Hence, considering that the number of members seems to multiply even faster than a family of rabbits, resolutions are becoming increasingly difficult to agree on. It will be very hard to reverse the trend of deregulation unless all countries agree on giving up even more sovereignty to a new, more effective political entity. Some hope this power could be given to the European parliament but this seems unlikely in the foreseeable future.

Today, the European Commission in Brussels can only make proposals to the member countries and the European parliament remains a rubber stamping body. It is this lack of a strong and overarching political body that is Europe’s best guarantee to achieve a profound and lasting transformation. Politicians, who have a natural tendency on the Old Continent to intervene in economic matters, do not have the means to spoil the party this time. There is no one to stop the deregulation of Europe!

BETTER ALLOCATION OF CAPITAL

Changes bring new thinking. New thinking brings even more changes. As companies focus more on competitiveness, they pay more attention to allocation of capital and return on investments.

There were a lot of justifications for stocks’ poor returns in the past and inaction tended to be portrayed as wise behavior. For example, often management was praised for sitting on piles of cash. This was viewed as a prudent thing to do: better keep some reserves for difficult days than risk losing money in uncertain investments. Managers did not loose their jobs for being inactive. And, if returns were not satisfactory, one could always blame it on the macroeconomic or the political environment. Shareholders did not exercise their power and this gave the corporate establishment virtually full control over their destiny. Shareholder value did not exist in Europe’s vocabulary. The tyranny of the status quo became prevalent and resulted in the well-publicized Eurosclerosis.

Henceforth in a liberalized economy, cash rich companies are becoming takeover targets. Like their American counterparts in the 80’s, European managers are feeling the heat. Undervalued stocks attract the attention of raiders and poorly managed companies offer easy targets. Managers are thus becoming accountable. Since raiders tend to get rid of bad managers, better performance and higher valuations are the best means to keep them at bay.

To take one example, in the past, Siemens, the large German conglomerate, could afford to sit on huge amounts of cash for years without even thinking of giving it back to the shareholders or find a better return for it. This is no longer possible. Siemens’ management was never threatened by a potential takeover in the past, to say nothing of one from abroad. German regulations allowed poison pills that gave management the needed weapons to fight off any intruder. The result was that managers were running their companies as if they owned them. Shareholders very often had no say and were treated accordingly.

Today, as shareholders become more active, stock performance becomes more of a focus. Also, better returns on stocks attracts more capital to the stock market and with more money available for stocks, new entrepreneurs levy more capital by floating shares of their companies. Here again, this is a radical change in attitude. In the old days, European companies went to their banker and borrowed money when capital was needed. Total market capitalization relative to the countries’ economy in Europe used to be a fraction of the ratio in the US or the UK. Going public or issuing additional shares were not the preferred way of levying capital in the cozy business world of the past because it meant sharing both information and power. Instead, management preferred to continue its comfortable relationship with their predictable bankers.

This was a costly way of doing business. The new businessmen in Europe have now understood the importance of the stock market and, as stated before, have more capital made available to them. In the last few years, for example Germany created a new stock market, the Neuer Markt, for small and young companies. In Brussels, a pan-European market, the Easdaq, was set up for the same purpose. The US Nasdaq will soon launch its own European small cap stock market. They all contribute greatly to the funding of new, often technology or internet-related companies.

RETURN ON CAPITAL AND CONTROL OVER ONE’S DESTINY

Investors’ returns are benefiting from a better allocation of capital as an increasing portion is being invested in stocks rather than bonds. Capital made available to corporations tends to be allocated more efficiently under the renewed pressure of shareholders. And now even governments are becoming more aware of the need for better capital allocation and for capital formation. One of the major characteristics of the European social model is the direct transfer of income from the working people to the retired citizens. Under that system, governments levy a contribution directly from wages to provide for the elderly. This is in contrast with the pension system prevailing in Anglo-Saxon countries, where one’s life-long savings provide for one’s retirement.

Recently Europe’s social security system has run into major financing problems due to the lack of funding and the rapid growth of the number of retirees. Meanwhile Europeans are realizing the crucial role played by large pension funds in financing the economy. France discovered this recently when they found out that foreign pension funds own sometimes up to 40% of their largest companies. It came as a shock. France does not have a large pool of capital to invest in their stock market and consequently their managers have to report to dreaded Anglo-Saxon pension funds who keep pressing for more efficient operations and higher shareholder value.

Some countries like The Netherlands and Italy have already voted reforms to create a pension fund system. Other countries have a harder time selling the idea to the public as politicians have heralded the pay-as-you-go social security system for so long. This latter system was viewed as the quintessential solidarity system compared to the “selfish” Anglo-Saxon pension fund system. How can governments now promote the pension system so quickly after giving in on the nationalization debate and on Reaganomics-style tax cuts? Time is needed to build a new consensus, but the outcome is inevitable. Social security systems are bankrupt and are now taking up a too large part of administrations’ budgets. Better allocation of capital is now also required from governments. Creating a pension fund system will be a much better allocation of public savings. It will reduce budget deficits and it will create a new pool of money that can be redirected to the productive part of the economy.

THE INTERNET:
THE CATALYST FOR CONTINUED DEREGULATION AND INVESTMENT OPPORTUNITIES

The Internet is spreading all over Europe faster than it would have without the privatization and the deregulation of telecommunications. This has brought competition, a real choice of services and lower telephone prices. Without this rapid deregulation Europeans would not experience the present boom of the Internet.

The Internet is deregulating economies all around the world. It is thus also reinforcing and speeding up the deregulation of Europe. It is acting as the accelerator of the virtuous circle Europeans have embarked on when they chose to create a single market. Responsible fiscal policies together with a moderate monetary policy will keep interest rates at low levels. Increased competition will continue to put downward pressure on prices. The threat of moving operations to different locations will guarantee increasing labor flexibility. More privatizations and more deregulation is being actively enforced by the European Commission. Taxes are bound to come down much more and, most important of all, a revival of entrepreneurship is making Europe the place to invest your money.

Back To the Stone Age

I never believed Francois Hollande, Mister Nobody, had a shot at becoming president of France. Two days before the first round of the elections, however, I have to admit I was wrong. Sarkozy’s momentum in the polls has stalled. At this point, only a miracle can get him reelected.
The potential consequences of a Hollande victory are far reaching. The most damaging of these would be the end of a European union based on a French/German alliance. Angela snubbed Francois before the elections and this will not be forgotten. It is not that Ms. Merkel is mean or particularly fond of the outgoing president. She just does not want to have to deal with a new partner who rejects strict fiscal discipline.
From the foundation of the European community built by De Gaulle and Adenauer, progress in unification has always been dependent on its two core members. Giscard and Helmut Schmidt laid the groundwork of a European currency. Mitterand and Kohl let Jacques Delors build the common market with the free flow of goods, service, capital and people. Then Mitterand convinced Kohl to replace the Deutsche mark with the euro. Eventually Gerhard Schroder and Jacques Chirac managed to get along and not destroy what had been built by their predecessors. Angela Merkel then firmly took control of European events and got Sarkozy to admit German fiscal orthodoxy.
Monsieur Hollande is going to change that. He wants to bring France back to Francois Mitterand’s early policies of profligacy. It will not go over well in Berlin.
Here are some of the changes that are coming to France.
The marginal income tax rate will reach 75% above 1 million euros of revenues. A new bracket at 45% will also be added to people making between 150,000 and 1 million euros. On top of that, Mr Hollande plans to add a tax on “financial income”, by which he means investment income. Like Sarkozy, he wants to levy a minimum tax on revenues people living abroad. They have both noticed that overtaxed French people tend to move to Brussels, which is conveniently close to their beloved Paris.
Corporate profits are also to be milked, but the socialist candidate makes a distinction between good and bad companies. Small companies are good. But once they become too large (a threshold yet to be defined), he wants to tax them more. Entrepreneurs now know that a little bit of ambition is OK. Too much ambition is going to be punished. Expect the CAC 40 companies’ profits to be taxed at more than 33% in the near future. It suits the French to take back the number one global position from the Americans in corporate tax rate.
The French government’s expenditures already account for 56% of GDP. But that does not seem enough to Hollande. He wants to hire 60,000 new teachers and he wants to subsidize companies to hire 150,000 young workers. Other measures include raising the minimum wage, loading more price regulation onto the housing market, and increasing the mandatory share of social housing in any new development to 25%. He also wants to prohibit LBOs on the grounds that they harm workers. He has not yet openly agreed with his friend Melanchon to go back to strict enforcement of the 35 hour work week. That is to be announced after the elections.
Election promises being what they are, Monsieur Hollande is a bit vague on how he will do all this while balancing the budget by 2017. One thing is for sure: he does not want foreigners’ money. He will tap French savings instead. He will issue bonds available to French citizens only, which is not a new idea (none of Hollande’s are new). Nicolas Sarkozy abandoned this nonsense when he realized that he would have to pay much higher interest rates.
We are heading for rocky markets in France and Europe.

The Most Undervalued Asset

The most undervalued asset in today’s markets is visibility.

We are currently witnessing the mirror image of March 2009 in the markets: risk comes at a premium while visibility of earnings is cheap.
Remember? Back in the early months of 2009, markets were anticipating the end of the world as we knew it. Stocks were massively oversold. Especially those stocks that had any hint of cyclicality were to be avoided, whatever their valuation.

It all changed with a bang in March of that year. A newly sworn-in administration launched a massive fiscal stimulus package. Simultaneously, the Federal Reserve Bank upped the ante with an unprecedented monetary package. The stock market exploded and high beta stocks became the flavor of the day. They still are, on and off.

Since that turning point, traders have been focusing on “risk on/risk off” mood swings. The Fed announces it will print more money? Risk is on. The economy does not take off as forecast on CNBC and Bloomberg? Risk is off. As a result, all the action has been in those sectors with the highest leverage to economic activity.

That’s all well and good, but this game is getting a bit overplayed. I believe we are seeing the emergence of a new narrative.

Some investors are slowly – and finally – starting to wonder about how many aborted recoveries will be needed before the country decides to tackle its real problems. In the meantime, the majority of traders are still hanging on to their last successful trade: risk on, risk off. In spite of the recession in Europe, the hard landing in China and the everlasting black hole that is Japan, investors’ appetite is not abating. The US, somehow, will pull the world out of its misery by printing more money.

In the long run, though, great opportunities tend to emerge where people are not looking. It may be time to sit back and forget this binary market.

While running after potential big swings in cyclical earnings, market participants have neglected those companies that produce predictable earnings year after year. Yes, boring predictable earnings. I am not thinking here about high yielding stocks, which have had their moments in a world of vanishing interest income. Instead, the stocks that truly stand out today on a valuation basis are growth stocks which need their cash flow to continue their growth.

Here are a couple of the most striking examples. Teva, the world leader in generic drugs, is trading at 8 times earnings even though it has been growing its earnings year after year by more than 15%. Orpea, a European leader in nursing homes, has been growing at an annual rate of more than 25% for over a decade. I do not remember a time when Orpea’s stock was trading at less than a huge premium to the market. Today, Orpea’s multiple on next year’s earnings is down to 12, notwithstanding a pipeline of new businesses in line with its past record.

The question we are facing now is clear. Why pay low multiples for predictable earnings and good growth when you can pay high multiples for cyclical earnings at the top of the margin cycle?

Disclosures: The author holds positions in TEVA and ORP.PA

The Collapse of the Asian Economic Model

The Asian Economic Model

For two years now, every second financial headline has been on Greece and the possible breakdown of the euro. When Greece pretends to behave, markets react euphorically. When markets realize Greece was just pretending, a sell-off ensues. This makes for great drama, but misses the real international challenge: the collapse of the Asian economic model.
The Asian model originated in Japan after World War II when, in defeat, the country of the rising sun embarked on a deliberate policy of catching up to the West industrially and technologically. It was designed at the top and brilliantly orchestrated by MITI, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry. Simply put, Japan developed a fabulous export machine.
Combining hard work, flexible labor with high education standards and a fast learning curve, Japan became the envy of the world. Good old protectionism and currency manipulation helped too. So did outrageous dumping policies and a great ability to copy Western products. But the success of this mercantile policy was made possible, first and foremost, by US laissez-faire. Without American consumers’ insatiable appetite, the Japanese miracle would never have existed.
Nevertheless, it worked miracles. It is hard to explain to today’s new generation of portfolio managers but missing out on the Japanese boom was a costly proposition in the 1980’s. Japan was the future. The Japanese stock market was soaring. Japanese industries from consumer electronics, to cars, to ship building were unrivaled worldwide. Trade surpluses ballooned to new highs every year. The country was raking in massive amounts of dollars which naturally flowed into the leading Japanese banks, eight of which ranked among the world’s top ten by the end of the decade.
Eventually, the accumulation of current account surpluses resulted in a spike in domestic asset prices. The yen appreciated and Japanese investors started to look for alternative opportunities abroad. Everything looked cheap from Van Gogh paintings to landmarks in New York and Los Angeles.
That’s when neighboring countries took notice. The way to prosperity had been laid out for them. South Korea, Taiwan and the other Asian Tigers followed in Japan’s footsteps. In due course even Communist China jumped on the bandwagon. The Japanese model had now become the Asian model.
Success attracts competition. Starting in the 1990’s, while the Asian Tigers were roaring, Japanese hegemony receded. Hyundai challenged Honda in North America and Europe. The Samsung brand overtook Sony in consumer reviews. Acer and Lenovo laptops replaced NEC and Toshiba. Shipbuilding activity picked up in Changwon and on the Yangtze River at the expense of Kobe and Osaka.
All this is resulting in too many Asian corporations chasing the same US consumer – and his European little brother. Not only have we reached some kind of saturation point, but it is happening as Western economies are in a slump. US consumers are deleveraging and Europeans have embarked in a German-inspired austerity.
An overcrowded space and shrinking demand is not a good combination. Yet it is not the real problem. Japan ran out of steam in spite of ballooning global demand. What Japan did demonstrate is more fundamental. It is the limitation of an economy that systematically privileges production at the expense of the consumer.
That model focused on the needs of large exporting corporations put Japan in the forefront of global manufacturing. It also took hundreds of millions of Asian people out of poverty and should thus not be dismissed. However, it is a bit reminiscent of the cartoon character chasing a rabbit. He quickly catches up and gets in reaching distance of his pray. Then, after they both run for a while at the same speed, just a few inches apart, the chaser always, somehow, manages to run off a cliff. He does not fall off the cliff, mind you. He just hangs in the air, not noticing the abyss. Then he looks down and realizes his predicament.
One day Japan will stop refusing to look down.
The core of the problem lies in a society that relies too heavily on top-down decisions. Maybe it is cultural. Asian societies are still quite hierarchal and power is concentrated in few hands. From the keiretsu in Japan to the chaebol in Korea, their economies are still very pyramidal. Not to mention communist China.
Hierarchical societies are petrified of chaos. Consumer-driven economies are not orderly. Doesn’t it make more sense to have the whole country pulling together in a synchronized way? Channeling everyone’s efforts toward a common goal seems so much more efficient. It avoids waste. It prevents working at cross-purposes to the common good of the country. In a different place and era, Lenin famously predicted that capitalists would sell him the rope with which he would hang them.
Indeed, Japan’s orchestrated allocation of resources to export oriented industries proved very successful at first. So what if a Japanese consumer had to pay twice as much as his US counterpart for the same, Japanese-made Sony camera? If that was the price to pay for global supremacy, so be it. The country as a whole would benefit. It did.
Until it didn’t. While Sony was perfecting their cameras and laptops, Apple responded to consumer demand with new products, like the iPhone and the iPad. Facebook and Twitter also emerged from the chaotic American consumer-lead economy. Nobody at the top of MITI or of a keiretsu saw these changes coming.
At the end of the day, in a hierarchical society, capital and energy are applied to preserve the status quo. Why would anyone give up a privileged position in society if not challenged?
The Asian economic model’s shortcomings are becoming more and more apparent. The world is flattening. Organizational structures are increasingly horizontal, a movement greatly magnified by the internet and social media.
The consequences could be devastating for societies or companies that cannot adjust quickly. Take the music industry. It is used to sell CD’s, a product rapidly becoming obsolete. Kids nowadays download their favorite songs from the internet. How does one react? Produce better CDs? Put internet users in jail?
Left alone, the market will adapt. Bottom-up solutions will appear and new business models will emerge. Rigid, top-down systems will only tweak the existing world order.
Recent history makes this abundantly clear. When confronted with a downturn, Japan’s production-obsessed bureaucrats exacerbated the problem. All they could think of to do was double down and invest heavily in production capacity.
An investment glut later, the same people in charge then decided to manufacture a top-down domestic demand recovery. Consecutive paternalistic Keynesian stimulus packages were introduced with a regularity that tended to coincide with election cycles. Public deficits shot up. Government debt exploded. The economy never got its footing back. Japan had entered its first lost decade.
The parallels between China and Japan are striking. Neither country seems to understand that chaotic markets are the way to salvation. In China a shift toward a consumer-driven economy will at best take time. But the first steps have not yet been taken. Instead, China has initiated a Japan-like investment bubble. Keynesian policies are next.
Marx may be in China’s dustbin of history, but dirigisme is not. The Central Committee in Beijing will never laud the merits of 1,000 points of light. It wants to remain the unchallenged lighthouse.

NOKIA

According to the Oracle of Omaha, when a management team with a reputation for brilliance tackles a business with a bad reputation for bad economics, it is the reputation of the business that remains intact.
This has proven to be true time and again. But sometimes, an exception proves the rule and offers very large investment returns. Think Apple.
We all know Steve Jobs was able to resurrect Apple from history’s dustbin, a remarkable and very unusual feat in the tech world. Now, here is another fading legend trying to emulate this phoenix-like story. Yes, Nokia is the new Apple. Stephen Elop is the new Steve Jobs.

Stephen who???

Let me explain. Nokia lost its mojo a decade ago. From being the world’s dominant leader with more than 40% global market share, it gradually became a me-too producer of cheap cell phones.
It is hard to believe, but when I was still young, Nokia phones were the coolest things on the planet. As so often happens, success breeds complacency and before they knew it, the Finnish company’s world market share had dwindled to 23%. If it were not for emerging markets, the brand would be worth very little today. Most damaging of all, Nokia never became a player in the smart phone market. The internally developed software platform, Symbian, proved to be a dud and they always seemed to be two steps behind their competitors. In no time, Apple, Google’s Android and even RIM’s Blackberry had taken the market.

Nokia’s stock dropped from $40 in the summer of 2008 to $5 today.

All the way down, value investors have been trying to catch this falling knife only to get butchered. Nokia seemed to be the typical value trap. Cheap, but getting cheaper. So, what is different now?
First, the market capitalization is down to $19 billion. The enterprise value is at an attractive 0.4 times sales. Nokia has a net $ 7 billion in cash on the balance sheet. It generates a positive cash flow and it has a dividend yield of 4%. The value is undeniable, especially considering their strong business in emerging markets – including India and China. The chart is starting to form a bottom.
The hemorrhage has stopped, but can Nokia create value again?

Enter Mister Elop.

One year ago, he was hired to turn around the company’s fortunes. Part of his appeal undoubtedly came from the executive job he held at Microsoft. His new assignment seems to have been part of a strategic alliance between the two sleepy giants. Microsoft needed Nokia’s manufacturing skills to grow its presence in the smart phone business. Nokia needed a new, more competitive software platform. Stephen Elop’s move from Seattle to Espoo sealed the deal.
The plan was quickly executed. Symbian was replaced with Microsoft’s newly designed and greatly improved platform. Nokia’s new generation of smart phones was going to run on Windows Phone software 7.
As of now, this looks like a good move. Nokia is again an innovator. The new phones have been well received by analysts. Even at the high end, the Lumia 900 got good reviews. Thanks to Windows, Nokia’s smart phones are competitive. And different. Furthermore, Nokia is trying for a comeback in the US market by linking up with AT&T to sell Lumia 900 with 4G service starting in March. The price of $99 will attract consumers’ attention.
Joining forces with Microsoft brings additional benefits. Microsoft is said to have committed one billion dollars in the promotion of their new phone software. Combine that with the fact that information technology managers of most companies are already comfortable with Windows and one can see Nokia making major inroads in the corporate market as well. With RIM in rapid decline today, this segment is up for grabs.
Mr. Elop is doing the obvious too. He is closing down facilities, consolidating Nokia’s zillion research centers all over the world, reducing the workforce and so on. This matters, of course. But the success of the company hinges ultimately on the new smart phone. If it works, the stock will bounce with a vengeance. In hindsight, wouldn’t one wish to have made that same leap of faith at the time Steve Jobs reemerged from Pixel to rebuild Apple?

All right, Stephen Elop is no Steve Jobs.

For one, Mr Elop still wears – gasp – a tie. He also looks a bit too much like a Swedbank branch manager to qualify as the next inspirational Silicon Valley guru.
However, if his deal with Microsoft is half a success, the stock will double or triple. If he then can build on a renewed momentum, Nokia could go up tenfold. Even then, Nokia’s market cap would be less than 50% of Apple’s.

Herve’ van Caloen
Senior Portfolio Manager
Belpointe Asset Management

What Would Alexander Hamilton Do?

On June 20, 1790, at the “Dinner Table Compromise”, Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton cut a deal with Madison and Jefferson.  In this great bargain, Hamilton conceded to the Virginians’ demand to have the new capital built in an area along the Potomac River. In return, the federal government would assume the Revolutionary War debts of the thirteen states.
Hamilton finally got what he wanted. He consolidated the debt of the states and replaced it with US government bond, which in turn was financed by a new tariff and the country’s first federal sin tax.
By doing this, our founding fathers put the dollar on the map. It established excellent credit for the government, proved that the administration could handle its affairs and it inaugurated and era of wide prosperity. In short, it was the foundation for the federal economic government of the United States.
History has vindicated Hamilton. With hindsight, there is no doubt that this was a brilliant move. Yet, it took him a lot of persuasion to get it done. A national debt did not go well with the Virginians. Jefferson and Madison were more inclined to reduce the power of the federal government. They certainly did not want to reinforce it with a newly-created shared debt. The southern statesmen also felt that it was unfair to ask the state of Virginia, which had paid off its debt, to chip in again for those who had not managed their finances as well. Further persuasion was needed. Building the new capital in the south was nice, but an additional little bribe would help settle the deal. Virginia thus got a substantial reduction in tax obligations.
Great bargains often include a little bribe. That’s so obvious that Thomas Jefferson did not think it worthy of mentioning in his account of the Dinner Table Compromise.
Fast forward 221 years. This is Europe’s opportunity to make history. The Europeans are facing a similarly decisive decision. The euro is lacking credibility and Germany is now in Virginia’s shoes. President Sarkozy – always in favor of more centralized power – is trying to convince its German counterpart of the benefits of consolidating some euro debt backed by all members.
 Is a grand bargain imaginable in Euroland? Can Sarkozy and Merkel rise to the occasion? Will they seize the opportunity to re-launch the euro? Will they become the founding father and mother of the euro? If so, will the euro replace the almighty dollar as the global currency?
Alas, Merkel ain’t no Jefferson.
But let’s dream for a brief moment. Let’s assume that Sarkozy was the reincarnation of Alexander Hamilton (former Prime Minister de Villepin would readily play the role of Aaron Burr who kills him in a duel).  Angela Merkel, in the role of Thomas Jefferson who favors decentralized government, also thinks it unfair for Germany to have to pay for the other states’ accumulated debt.
In our dream, Angela Merkel organizes a dinner where she and Mr. Sarkozy eke out a compromise that would give the European currency some respect. Such a deal could include a quid pro quo where Germany finally agrees to euro-bonds backed by all member states in return for substantial cuts in the EU’s  agriculture budget. And then, a little bribe in the form of lower contributions to the EU budget to help the Germans make up their mind.
By offering a reduction in EU’s agriculture budget, France would – at last – send a strong signal that they are not in this union only to be on the receiving end. It would also liberate a lot of funds for better use. Spending 40% of EU’s budget to subsidize 5% of Europe’s labor force has never been good economics anyway.
Just imagine what would happen if this dream bargain materialized. Stock markets would be euphoric – this time for more than a couple of days. The euro crisis would be ended overnight. EU’s credibility would be restored and the world economy would breath a big sigh of relief.
 It would also help Germany’s image. From being the Grinch, Germany would become a trusted leader. Maybe even a loved one.
Even better, such a deal would more seriously address Germany’s long term concerns. It would give distressed countries a reasonable way out while also enforcing fiscal discipline. Where “automatic penalties” miserably failed, market forces are more likely to succeed.
Let’s assume that Greece, to take a random example, faced prohibitively high interest rates to finance an out-of-control debt. A newly created European Bank would give them a way out of their predicament. It would make money available at a low rate in return for strict fiscal policies. Greece would thus temporarily give up its sovereignty in economic matters in return for affordable debt. Over time, it would then return to the markets and regain independence. The sooner the Greeks reduce their deficits, the sooner market forces would allow for a return to normality.
The benefits are multiple. Greece would be forced to get its act together, but cheap money would make it less painful. Hardship is more tolerable when there is solidarity and some light at the end of the tunnel.  Europe would stop being an amalgamation of disparate, selfish countries. European solidarity would go a long way to cement a common ambition. Most important of all, it would work much better than today’s bureaucratic illusionary “automatic penalties”. Market forces have a way to make things happen.
So much for dreams. Today’s reality is very different. Germany has no interest in leading. It is more interested in being righteous. The Club Med countries seem to be doing their best to make them feel that way.
Naill Ferguson could be proven right. In the future, people will say it was Germany that killed Europe.
 How can Germany not be tempted to tell Europeans to get lost? It has become the rich uncle everybody comes to for a bit of money.
The question nobody seems to ask is what’s in this for the Germans?
Unfortunately, the present leaders of Euroland are very different from their predecessors. In 1992, Jacques Delors convinced Kohl, Mitterand and Thatcher to build a Europe of free flow of capital, goods, labor and services. It gave Europe a great free market impulse.
These visionary founding grand parents have now been replaced with a new generation of leaders more statist than all the previous ones put together. Free market principles are being replaced by more regulations. Fiscal competition between member states is out. Harmonization of corporate taxes is in. Let’s raise taxes all together!
Europeans are back to their old tricks. Any hiccough in the economy is dealt with by adding new rules and bureaucratic measures. Market forces are not to be trusted, making Margaret Thatcher’s warning of a “narrow-minded, inward looking club…ossified by endless regulations” sound more prophetic than ever.
 The latest currency crisis is just an illustration of this. David Cameron was right to walk away from this mess. The Iron Lady approves, I am sure.
In this kind of Europe, stock markets will have a hard time. They will bounce on every announcement that Merkel and Sarkozy are getting together to prepare a summit of European heads of state that will be followed by meetings of ministers of finance to set up committees that will decide on the size of the coming declaration. Then, markets will come back down on the inevitable disappointment.
Resentment against Germany will grow. Social unrest will grow. Brussels bureaucracy will grow. Brussels’ bureaucrats’ paycheck will grow. I am not sure markets will grow.

As a footnote, I cannot resist this masterpiece read in The EuropeanVoice:
 A “spokesman for inter-institutional relations and administration , European Commission Brussels”, explains why “suspending the annual pay adjustment for EU officials requires the Commission to show that several legal criteria and case law have been met, relating to serious and sudden deterioration in the economic and social situation, which cannot be gauged by the normal method for calculating the adjustment.” Since the crisis is now four years old, it no longer qualifies as “sudden” and the bureaucrats’ annual payment adjustments ( i.e. pay increase) cannot be suspended…
These guys are good! They deserve their generous, non-taxable salaries!

Image Is Everything

Berlusconi is everybody’s favorite buffoon.
He sure is colorful.
More so than Zapatero, the other exiting Prime Minister in Europe.
That’s why the Italian Prime Minister is a better scapegoat for unsettled markets.
Doesn’t he represent the Italian character, which is, well, not serious? Based on this politically political incorrectness, and based on this alone, markets have dumped Italian bonds.
The euro-skeptics are at it again. How can Italians and Germans share a common currency? We all know the Italians will not be able to manage their finances properly. Market operators had it right all along. A European monetary system with Germans and Italians would never work. The Germans are hard-working, spendthrift and fiscally conservative. Compare that with the lazy Italians who live the dolce vita, not worrying about tomorrow. At best, Italy can only become a German vacation land, just another Club Med country.
So why let facts get in the way of these convenient clichés?
But facts are stubborn.
And the facts are also revealing.
Italy joined the euro with a debt-to-GDP ratio at 130%. A decade later it stands at 118%. Not exactly great, but the direction has been right. Even today, the Italian government’s deficit is below 4%, a much better performance than the US, the UK, France, Japan, etc.
Furthermore, Italy has a sound banking system that never got in trouble by buying fancy mortgage-backed securities. And, unlike Japan which suffers from a savings deficit, Italian households are still putting a lot of money under the mattress. The savings rate in Italy is 16%. In Japan, it is now down to 2.5%.
Opportunities arise when perceptions are erroneous.
Could we be experiencing one of those historic opportunities in the European bond market?
One thing is clear: Europe does not have a public debt problem.
Total debt in Euroland is still at a manageable 85%. Yet deficits are being aggressively tackled before they reach US or Japanese levels (100 and 200% respectively).
How can market operators claim that European countries will never adjust to German fiscal correctness when the opposite is happening?
All the PIIGS countries are showing that they agree to adjust through reforms and fiscal austerity rather than by devaluing their way out of their misery. Just the way the Germans intended to.
As the numbers above illustrate, Italy has been a disciplined founding member of the euro.
Ireland has taken very drastic measures after its banking failure and already the bond market is reflecting this.
Spain just elected a conservative government that promises blood, toil, tears and sweat. Just after winning a landslide election, the conservative leader already warned his country that he “didn’t promise any miracles”.
Portugal also changed majority but nonetheless remains under the radar screen.
That leaves Greece.
Well, if the Greeks do not get their act together, they’ll be asked to leave the euro. Good riddance.
No, Europe does not have a fiscal deficit problem.
Europe’s problem is elsewhere. Europe has an overdose of unaccountable technocrats.
Whatever the technocrats’ failings, their aura is so great that it does not matter. The Greek head of the central bank hid the country’s massive debt to enter the euro? No problem. Ten years later, he is asked to head a “technocratic government” to save the country’s finance. In this he was helped by non-other than Goldman Sachs.
So, who do the Europeans chose to head the ECB? Former Goldman Sachs co-conspirator Mario Draghi…
Neither of these technocrats looks like a buffoon.
Anyway, the Europeans have chosen austerity.
Printing money on a grand scale is out of the question. It did not work for Weimar Germany and today the Chinese too seem to be discovering that it is not a panacea.
Is the US next?
Happy Thanksgiving.

Nein, nein, nein

Next time Henry Kissinger asks whom to call if he wants to speak to Europe, the answer will be obvious:
Henry, just call Angela.

The Greeks can be forgiven for not having seen the memo.
Germany had been very restrained until now.
But, with the sovereign crisis, all that is rapidly changing.
The tide is retreating and those who were swimming naked are exposed.
Germany will make sure everyone wears the proper uniform from now on.
Or else, they’ll have to find another beach.

Yet, who can blame the Germans?
Their intentions were always clear.
Neither should they be blamed for Europe’s seemingly slow response to the crisis. A quick fix is not the goal here.
Angela Merkel wants to methodically address a fundamental problem.

At first, she used Germany’s deep pockets to calm the markets and stop the panic. A domino effect had to be prevented.
Next, she insisted on draconian reforms from the profligate countries as a condition for help. In the process she made it clear that monetizing the debt was off the table. Finally, appalled by the US bailouts, she made sure to address the moral hazard. This time, those who fed the beast were going to pay for their greed.

Greece – and Italy – tried to soften their austerity packages.
France tried to monetize the debt through a new bailout bank.
Some countries wanted to create a European bond market guaranteed by all members.
Banks tried to avoid or limit a haircut on their exposure to Greek sovereign debt.
All to no avail.
Germany would have none of it.

Germans do not do quick fixes.
They make long-term decisions and then stick to the new orthodoxy.
Ten years ago, for example, they decided on a number of reforms that resulted in lowering unit labor cost by 25% over the ensuing decade.
Economic growth suffered, but they kept at it.
Greece and the other Club Med countries, in the meantime, were enjoying the good years. So, while Germany worked hard at becoming more competitive, unit labor cost kept going up in southern Europe. Over ten years, it increased 60% in Greece, 25% in Italy and 20% in Spain.
It stayed flat in France.

The message is clear.
Germany is forcing everyone else in the monetary union to reform.
Austerity is here to stay until major adjustments are made.
So what if it pushes Europe into a recession?
Short term pain is needed for long term gain.

Unfortunately, Europe’s imposed fiscal discipline comes at a bad time.
Already, all signs are pointing to a recession on the Old Continent.
The new measures make it now a near certainty.
The question for investors is no longer whether, but for how long and how deep will the down cycle be?

It could be short and brutal.
The Baltic countries, for example, took a bitter pill, experienced a double-digit GDP shrinkage and then came back with a vengeance.
In Ireland, unit labor cost has also been drastically cut by 35% from its 1999 level.
But the recession could also be long and shallow.
It is difficult to imagine Southern European politicians taking the same kind of drastic measures.
Japan could be a more appropriate model here.

Anyway, austerity in Euroland has only just begun.
Fiscal tightening hurts socialist economies disproportionally because of the preeminence of the public sector.
The forced recapitalization of the banks means that less money will find its way into the economy.

Germany is winning the tug-of-war.
Angela Merkel will get reelected.
And France will harmonize its fiscal policies (a euphemism for tax hikes) with their Teutonic friends.

From a German point of view, the only negative note comes from the CDS market.
By destroying their values through “voluntary” haircuts, Europe may have bailed out the issuers of these instruments of mass destruction.
Could it be that Goldman Sachs got bailed out by the politicians again?
Time will tell.

Happy Anniversary!

Greenwich, 29 August 2011.

The Caloen International portfolio is up 8% year to date.

After losing 4% in Q1, the fund lost an additional 3% in the last two weeks of the second quarter.
In those two weeks, global markets had one of their strongest short term rallies even though US consumer confidence was nosediving.
Then, sentiment turned on a dime.
So did the portfolio’s performance, helped by its high exposure to gold miners and short positions in cyclicals and emerging markets.

The S & P is now back to the levels of one year ago when Chairman Bernanke announced his renewed intention to monetize the US government debt.
Happy anniversary.
Indeed, the stock market is celebrating today.
QE 2 has done wonders for traders.

But why is Chairman Bernanke so serene?
Didn’t he forecast 4% GDP growth thanks to his printing prowess?
Doesn’t he wonder today why it did not materialize?
Doesn’t he wonder why the economy has continuously decelerated since his last Jackson Hole speech?
Is he questioning his models?

Those are rhetorical questions, of course.
Chairman Bernanke knows very well what stands in his way.
The problem is democracy.
As he puts it: “The country would be well served by a better process for making fiscal decisions.”
The economy slowed down in the first half of the year because of the acrimonious debate in Washington about the debt!
QE 2 would have worked if it were not for these politicians debating trivial issues.
Can we not go back to the good times when Congress blindly agreed on spending trillions of dollars?

Anyway, one should not look back.
Ben Bernanke is forecasting strong long term growth and that is good enough for traders.
The man who predicted 4% growth, a new era of “Great Moderation” and a renewed wealth effect after the last failed experiment, is still taken seriously.
And he is here to stay.
That’s the advantage of not having to face elections or shareholders.
Federal Reserve Chairmen are chosen for their competence by the president.
That’s the way it is.
Too bad if we cannot always expect presidents to be so judicious in their choice as when Carter chose Paul Volcker.

Let’s finally face it.
The Federal Reserve is an un-American institution.
It is undemocratic and elitist.
It has also seriously discredited the dollar, our national treasure.
Next we might as well turn Princeton University into a mandatory school that teaches our brightest minds to all think alike before joining any administration.

Fortunately we are not Europe or Japan.
This is unlikely to happen.
It may take another sell-off in the markets, but we will have to reform our monetary system.
When that time comes – and it cannot come early enough – we will be well advised to turn to the Founding Fathers’ intentions.
We are always well advised to do that.

In the founding years of the Republic, Hamilton knew the Constitution forbade the government from issuing money itself.
That’s why he thought, a bit naively, that a privately owned bank would be immune to political pressures.
He had the “moral certainty” that any government that had the power to print money would resort to it in the end, rather than levy taxes that would make it unpopular.
The US government, Hamilton reckoned, had shown its wisdom “in never trusting itself with the use of so seducing and dangerous an expedient.”

Today’s Fed fools nobody.
It has become a branch of government by volunteering to monetize the public debt.

Where does that leave the economy today?
Well, we have now moved from a “better-than-expected” economy to an “it-could-be-worse” stagnation.
Or is it stagflation?
Bernanke predicts lower inflation…

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